A JOURNEY CUT SHORT
…Bingu Wa Mutharika,
1934 to 2012
He
announced his arrival on the country’s political stage without pomp and fanfare
in 1999 registering his now defunct United Party. Mutharika, an accomplished
economist, was little known to the electorate no wonder his UP polled miserably
in the 1999 general elections. But that did not stop or discourage his errands
seeking to assume the whims of power as the Republic’s first citizen.
Mutharika trusted his instincts. He was confident – after all, his curriculum vita was decorated with vast experience in administration having worked in reputable bodies such as COMESA.
2004 Elections
The
United Democratic Front – the first ruling party in the multiparty dispensation
– failed to impress in its second term following its reelection in 1999. But
Mutharika still found it calculative to join the party that had started
yellowing – a sign of ill health.
The second term of UDF rule was devoid of many democratic principles and lacked traits of good governance. The economy was down to its knees; it was an era in which the worst human rights records were chalked in history books. The party’s Young Democrats (a youth wing) entrenched a reign of terror and frustration, beating everyone perceived subversive. The worst was the 2001/2002 famine which saw food prices hitting inflationary echelons to bear testimony of the ill policies implemented by the regime.
As unpopular as it was, Mutharika saw a paradise in UDF. He swiftly dumped his UP to don the yellow colours. Unexpectedly, he became a sent-by-God answer to the then president Bakili Muluzi who was quietly looking for a successor after ‘disqualifying’ everyone in the file and rank of the party following a botched third term bid. To Muluzi, no one in UDF exhibited leadership qualities at the presidency. The such unfolding of events is what catapulted Mutharika to power after Muluzi single handedly appointed him to carry the yellow flag in the 2004 elections.
The decision was looked upon with great contempt not only within the file and rank of UDF, but also among a great many electorate. Muluzi, a self-acclaimed political engineer, made up for the resentment amongst the UDF followers by carrying Mutharika on his back and mounting a vigorous and aggressive countrywide campaign that really paid dividends. Mutharika was successfully sold to the masses to become the new hawk at the State House.
Exit UDF, enter DPP
Mutharika
became president in 2004 although 64 percent of Malawians rejected him. He
polled un admirable 36 percent though he managed to beat the veterans in the
name of John Tembo of Malawi Congress Party and the rolling stone Gwanda
Chakuamba who seemed a favourite during campaign with his Republican Party.
Many people rejected Mutharika because it was obvious he would tow the UDF line
and the belief that a determined Muluzi would be calling the shots from behind
the curtains.
Right from the word go, the new leader did not waste time to tell the nation that he was a different person with his own principles and agenda. In his inauguration speech, Mutharika raised hopes in those that rejected him but left his followers astonished with their mouths agape. He promised to fight most of the evils that characterized the UDF regime, corruption topping the list of priorities. It was this sudden deviation from the UDF agenda that earned him a lot of enemies within the party. His own party started putting down strategies to oust him from it but he managed to come out un bruised.
When it was clear that the party would fire the president, Mutharika swiftly ditched it way before being fired to form the ruling Democratic Progressive Party. He was never to walk alone; most sympathisers followed him including most of the UDF members of parliament. It was a DPP government in control, period.
A turbulent parliament
Having
survived the tides in UDF, the party on whose ticket he winged to the
presidency, Mutharika had to endure yet another era of turbulent waves. UDF
failed to secure enough seats in parliament in the 2004 elections to warrant a
comfortable stay in the House. That was exacerbated by the clinging of some MPs
to the party after Mutharika had ditched it. It was apparent that business
would never be easy in parliament as most of the MPs owed their allegiance to
the opposition bloc.
Veteran opposition leader John Tembo who had at this point not accepted the results of the elections was armed to the neck ready to give Mutharika an action packed Hollywood show in the house. Tembo had an embarrassment of numbers in parliament ready and bent to frustrate any government business.
The most outstanding issue in parliament during Mutharika first term was the application of section 65. Constitutionally, an MP who has crossed the floor (joining another party that is represented in parliament) loses his/her seat. The opposition wanted all Mutharika’s sympathisers booted out of the house for acting contrary to section 65 of the constitution. The national budget was held ransom to force the speaker of parliament (then late Rodwell Munyenyembe) to flush out all DPP MPs. The lyrics of the song were simple: section 65 number one, budget number two.
In the eyes of many commentators including the media, the actions of the opposition amounted to greed and selfishness. The civil society, the now perceived government enemy, just as many others saw, no justification for the speaker to act on section 65 first as a condition for passing the budget.
It was clear to many people that the opposition wanted to consolidate their numbers and impeach Mutharika. DPP legislators had to seek refuge in court injunctions in a game led by one Yunus Mussa. The opposition never succeeded.
Vigils and demonstrations
Once
upon a time, indeed if the hands of the clock can be rewound! It was not
difficult to demonstrate during this age and era. University students, the
civil society and many groupings en masse went wild demonstrating and mounting
vigils at parliament to force MPs to pass the budget. John Tembo will be the
last to forget this hullabaloo looking at how irate university students banged
his vehicle during one of the section 65/budget standoffs.
Apparently, the right to development of all sorts – education, health etcetera – was being derogated in the absence of a financial blue print. This justified the demonstrations.
In the final analysis, the impeachment bid was bungled. Budgets were being passed though with much ado. It was another victory for Mutharika and the journey continued.
Achievements in term 1
Against
the background of food insecurity that used to dodge Malawi
The winning back of donor confidence also brought relief to the economy that was destined for the worst. Simply put, there was economic discipline and the business environment and future were easy to predict – not to mention the stability of the Kwacha.
The countrywide infrastructural development carried during this period also made most people remember the biblical allegory of a rejected stone. He received praises from all corners of the society except the opposition.
The winning of all the six seats in a by-election (dubbed 6 – 0) summed the whole story of the DPP’s popularity.
Despite some shortfalls, Mutharika’s first term in which many people rejected him was a great success if pitied against his predecessor’s.
2009 Elections
It
was a test for DPP, the then ruling party that had yet to compete in a general
election. Pairing with Joyce Banda (now president) as vice president, Mutharika
and his DPP claimed the largest share of the votes with an admirable 64
percent. It was a victory that emanated from two things; firstly, the party
delivered in its first term in the face of a turbulent parliament. People hoped
giving the party a majority in the house would work wonders. Secondly, a
sympathy vote played its role. That was Mutharika, a complete magic wand.
The turning
point
Like
many parties in the country, the DPP has been heavily bruised due to lack of
intra-party democracy. For example, the firing of then vice president Joyce
Banda and Mzimba South MP Khumbo Kachali now rulling People’s Party president
and vice, respectively, did not amuse some supporters who have since followed
the fired leaders.
Despite the gains made in the agricultural sector, analysts and civil society leaders faulted Mutharika in economic management; maintaining strategic international relations and poor human rights records. The July 20, 2012 petition speaks it all. The scarcity of fuel and forex paralyzed the otherwise well managed economy. The people’s reaction to this had been catastrophic, especially that the solutions to the crises seemed farfetched.
Enter PAC
When
the religious body gave Mutharika a 60-day ultimatum to resign as president,
the late leader did not take the matter seriously. He went to a public podium
and declared that he was determined to see off his contract with the people of
Malawi.
“I want to tell the Malawi nation that I will be in power until 2014 as constitutionally guaranteed,” said Mutharika in response to Pac’s directive to have him resign in 60 days.
“Bingu
does not run away from responsibilities,” he charged while assuring his followers
that his party will rule up to 2024 despite his retirement in 2014.
PAC’s efforts were likely to only fill blank history books, despite its announcement that it would continue calling for his resignation.
End of an era
On
5 April, God demonstrated to the Malawi people that indeed “his ways are not
our ways, and his thoughts are not our thoughts,” – words quoted from Isaiah 55
verse 8 by Rev Billy Gama during the swearing in of Joyce Banda. Indeed, it was
not PAC’s ways or the ultimatums placed on the presidents’ desk, God chose to
rest the Malawi leader peacefully – ending the journey that started 1934.
Her Excellency Madam Joyce Banda leading Malawians to view the Body of Late Bingu wa Mutharika in Lilongwe
Tears in the north
as Mutharika’s remains lay in state
By
Northern Life reporter
A
somber atmosphere swallowed up the northern region particularly Mzuzu city as
the remains of the fallen president Bingu Wa Mutharika lay in state at the
region’s State Lodge on 18 April.
Almost
the whole government machinery led by vice president Khumbo Kachali moved from
Lilongwe and camped in Mzuzu to pay their last respects to the fallen leader.
Other government officials present included speaker of parliament Henry
Chimunthu Banda, chief justice Lovemore Munlo and cabinet ministers.
People’s
Party regional governor for the north Harry Mkandawire – a critic of
Mutharika’s regime – and other opposition party leaders put politics aside and were
seen bowing down in respect to the former father of the nation.
General
Secretary for Livingstonia Synod of the CCAP Reverend Levi Nyondo who was once
arrested by the Mutharika’s regime following his preaching at the late Minister
of Health Moses Chirambo’s funeral in Rumphi also availed himself. Mutharika
was the president of the republic.
Although
business went as usual in the green town, indications were all over that something
was amiss in the city.
Just
like in Lilongwe, there were long queues of people jostling to see the
Mutharika’s remains. Others could not stand the sight, but shed tears, not
believing that the economic engineer whose agricultural policies turned Malawi into
a regional food basket is gone.
Most
secondary and primary schools were deserted as pupils filed to the State Lodge
to bid farewell to Mutharika, who also served as Minister of Education during
his presidency.
The
body viewing ceremony started with prayers and then the mass administered by
Bishop Joseph Nkasa Zuza of the Roman Catholic Church before the remains were
flown to Blantyre the following day. Mutharika was a devoted Catholic.
Mutharika
died on 5 April 2012 and was buried on 23 the same month at his Ndata Farm in
Thyolo where his first wife Ethel was buried. Chairperson for the funeral
committee Henry Musa said government could not go against the wish of late
Mutharika that he be buried at his private farm despite that he was the head of
state.
Government
declared a 30-day mourning period during which the national flag flew at half
mast. NL
He had a very long story this guy
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